Hva danner det felles fundamentet for norsk abortpolitikk? Denne artikkelen undersøker om det finnes en underliggende forståelse som gjør at abortpolitikken står støtt og har bred politisk oppslutning til tross for sterke motsetninger. Har politikerne noen felles forestillinger som danner et grunnlag de kan møtes på og forhandle ut ifra? Hva forteller i så fall dette om premissene for å akseptere abort? Hva forventes av kvinner som sier fra seg moderskapet etter at svangerskap er konstatert, og hvilken rolle spiller disse forventningene i utformingen av politikken?
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Leder
Vitenskapelig publikasjon
(side 92-108)
av Merethe Flatseth
SammendragEngelsk sammendragPrincipal conceptions of women in abortions politics
A key premise in the Norwegian parliamentary debates on abortion is that it involves a painful and difficult decision for a woman. A metaphor of the female mind as a physical, fragile structure provides the basic logic for these arguments, whether for more liberal or more restrictive abortion practices. Consideration of «the woman under pressure» creates a framework for the debate. But giving woman a heavier burden to bear in an already stressful situation has a drawback: it implies that increased stress involves a potential danger to mental health. This notion of burden promotes an ethical standpoint that links ethics not to the womans right to choose but to the way she makes her decision. The «expectation» that a woman seeking abortion should experience vulnerability and moral anguish may possibly be created by societys need to deal with the ethical dilemmas of abortion. The notion of the vulnerable woman somehow eases the pressure on abortion politics because it involves an experience of abortion as painful and difficult, which acts to both discipline and liberate women.
Vitenskapelig publikasjon
(side 109-127)
av Inger Bjørnhaug
SammendragEngelsk sammendragFram til 1959 kunne menn og kvinner lønnes ulikt selv om de gjorde nøyaktig samme arbeid. Da ble ILOs konvensjon om lik lønn for arbeid av lik verdi ratifisert av det norske Stortinget. Allikevel fortsatte lønnsforskjellene mellom menn og kvinner å være store. Denne artikkelen undersøker hva konvensjonen betydde for LO og LOs kvinner og spør hvorfor ikke virkningen av den ble større.
Equal pay between markets, classes and gender. The Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions, women and the question of equal pay 1935–1970
The article explores the question of equal pay in the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (LO) between 1935 and 1970. It frames this in the context of tensions between three factors: the market, where womens value on the labour market was strongly influenced by the male breadwinner economy; class, where skilled workers in heavy industry represented the ideal; and gender, which was not acknowledged as a distinct issue by the LO. The article considers equal pay as an ambiguous and changing concept, and originally as a defence for skilled men against unskilled women. For women, the main struggle was the right to have any waged work at all. In the 1920s and 30s this struggle created a strongly radicalised female opposition in the LO. These worker-feminists claimed gender rights within the LO and argued strongly against the special tariffs for women. In 1959 the Norwegian parliament finally ratified the International Labour Organisations (ILO) convention of equal pay for equal work, and the womens tariffs had to be discarded. The LO leadership, viewing the womens tariffs as obsolete and undemocratic, engaged in this struggle. But when the question arose as to how to categorise the different tasks, the Norwegian employers organisation (NAF) – which refused to acknowledge that the value of womens work was equal to mens – was able to get most of the traditional womens tasks placed in the lowest paid groups. The equal pay agreement was then implemented in the narrowest possible way and did little to increase womens wages. During the decades following the 1970s, equal pay remained an unresolved issue. This was the case despite womens waged work having become the norm and the LO having undergone a thorough change of composition, both regarding class and gender. This illustrates both the influence of market relations on LO wage policy and the importance of politics for solving the equal pay question.
Vitenskapelig publikasjon
(side 128-144)
av Torjer A. Olsen
SammendragEngelsk sammendragI 1961 blir den første kvinnelige presten ordinert i Den norske kirke. Mange konservative i kirka reagerer på dette. Blant dem er predikantene i lyngenlæstadianismen, en pietistisk bevegelse med geografisk tyngdepunkt i Nord-Norge. Predikantene, som er læstadianernes ubestridte ledere, omtaler de kvinnelige prestene ikke bare som vantro, men som forrædere som bevisst bryter med Guds kall og skaperordning. De uttrykker at kvinnelige prester sammen med kampen for likestilling utgjør en større sammenheng, der det norske samfunnet er i ferd med å forlate Gud og kristendommen.
Naming gender. Gender equality and Laestadianism 1960–1980
The article is an analysis of the discourses on female ministers and equality of the sexes in Lyngen Laestadianism in the period between 1960 and 1980. This period starts with the ordaining of the first female minister in the Norwegian state church, of which Lyngen Laestadianism is a part. The ordaining created a huge response from the Laestadian preachers, the undisputed leaders of their congregation. They speak of female ministers as infidels and traitors that purposely upset Gods vocation and order. The preachers also see female ministers in the context of a degenerating society. Thus, female ministers and the fight for the equality of the sexes are seen as expressions of the same thing, a society abandoning God. However, the Lyngen Laestadian discourse is not static. During the 1970s, it showed a tendency towards speaking about the equality of sexes in a different, more positive way. The particular discourses on female ministers and the equality of sexes have made an impact on the general Laestadian discourse on gender. As a result, the patriarchal tradition is both strengthened and contested.
Vitenskapelig publikasjon
(side 145-158)
av Ingeborg Winderen Owesen
SammendragEngelsk sammendragIngeborg Winderen Owesen diskuterer og argumentere for nødvendigheten av å historisere feminismen som en tankeretning «in its own right». Deretter følger et forsøk på å gjøre nettopp det, altså historisere feminismen. Så løfter hun fram et interessant, men lite kjent filosofisk forfatterskap; Marie le Jars de Gournay (1565–1645). Gournay var muligens den aller første til å foreslå likestilling mellom menn og kvinner via begrepet «likhet» (égalité). Owesen hevder at hun dermed innleder et paradigmeskifte og legger grunnen for moderne feministisk tenkning.
The modern (philosophical) history of feminism & the case of Marie le Jars de Gournay
This article argues in favour of the importance of historicizing feminism and how, according to the author, this will reveal that feminism is an ongoing process which is far from finished. The article supports the view that feminism is an intellectual tradition in its own right and a system of thought with a dynamic relation to philosophy. This is illustrated by a presentation and reading of Marie le Jars de Gournay (1565–1645), who was probably the first thinker ever to propose equality between men and women. Gournay hence initiates modern feminist thought, which correctly takes equality/difference as its point of departure.
Kommentar
Bokanmeldelser
(side 174-179)
av Anna Adeniji
(side 180-182)
av Hans W. Kristiansen
Redaksjonelt
(side 183)