This article examines approaches to cultural diversity in a global- local axis. Can one talk about local cultural diversity in a film industry that is increasingly global? Cultural diversity is a goal in European film policy and an important rationale behind the support of European films. Geographical location is a key factor when discussing filmmaking because of the assumption that film and television production at different places represents diversity and therefore contributes to democracy and varied representations. Still, few studies examine whether filmmaking in the peripheries does, or can, contribute to diversity in film. Using Norway as a case, interviews with people in four companies located outside the capital were conducted to discuss diversity and the geographical dimension of filmmaking. The article argues that the companies contribute to diversity because of a commitment to shoot regionally, and because they use local film workers and talents. The companies act in a glocal context where they focus on the national and/or regional in order to get public funding, but projects that are too place- or cultural specific in content are usually not interesting to an international audience. They choose a hybridisation strategy, using local places to tell universal stories.
Audience participation is a concept discussed across the areas of cultural policy, cultural management, aesthetic theory, and artistic practice. The starting point of this article is an interest in how cultural policy affects artistic practices, and an attempt to make this link visible. To do this I focus on audience participation in the theatre, in particular the Norwegian project Bergen Citizens’ Theatre (Bergen Borgerscene). In recent cultural policy theory, considerable attention is given to the concept of a participatory agenda in policymaking. Based on examples of a participatory agenda evidenced in several European large-scale cultural programs and funding guidelines, I discuss whether Bergen Citizens’ Theatre is an articulation of a participatory agenda in the national cultural policy of Norway, or rather a participatory blind spot in current policies. I direct my attention to the professional theatre, as this is where I see the biggest challenges to implementing a participatory agenda.
This article examines how social class origin is experienced to affect the trajectories of becoming and being an author in the context of the contemporary Finnish literary field. It analyzes authors’ experiences of social class, artistic work and authorship in a theoretical framework that draws from the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Beverley Skeggs, particularly the concepts of economic and cultural capital, habitus and inscription. Social class origin is argued to be a relevant factor that affects the ways authorship is pursued even in a country, such as Finland, where artistic labor is relatively well supported by the public sector. The results show that authors from upper middle-class, academic middle-class and cultural families generally felt themselves safe to pursue the risky profession of authorship. Authors from lower middle-class and working-class origins often experienced feelings of outsiderness and not-belonging, as their personal habitus was considered to be “out of sync” with the literary field. The empirical research material of this article consists of authors’ written experiences of artistic work, social class and gender. The data were collected in 2018 and analyzed using qualitative content analysis.
This article investigates how literary criticism as a traditional elite undertaking is acted out in an egalitarian culture. The main focus lies on how book reviewers understand their task as a more or less professional quality assessment, and how they communicate their conceptions of quality through aesthetic judgments in the public sphere. The article uses in-depth interviews with book reviewers from the largest Norwegian newspapers as empirical data, and aims at demystifying the concept of quality – which often avoids definition – by looking at how it is defined in a continuous, everyday setting. A key finding is that while political ideology used be a symbolic boundary between reviewers, it is today nowhere to be seen. Surprisingly, given the reputed autonomy of criticism, this correlates with diminishing political party ownership over newspapers.
Denne artikkelen handler om forskning på barn og unge i kulturpolitikken. Mer spesifikt diskuterer vi hvilke metodiske utfordringer forskningen møter når barn og unges egne erfaringer og syn på kunst- og kulturopplevelser skal inkluderes i analysene. Artikkelen baserer seg på erfaringer fra tre forskningsprosjekter om kunst- og kulturtiltak rettet mot barn og unge, der ulike metoder har blitt benyttet for å inkludere barn og unges perspektiv i datamaterialet. I artikkelen diskuterer vi følgende spørsmål: Hvordan kan vi i en kulturpolitisk forskningskontekst få innsikt i barn og unges kunst- og kulturopplevelser? Hva kan ulike metodiske verktøy bidra med og hva er begrensningene med disse? De metodiske innfallsvinklene som diskuteres i artikkelen er survey, gruppeintervju, filosofiske samtaler og deltakende observasjon.
This article discusses how children and young people’s voices are included in cultural policy research. More specifically, we present some methodological challenges that occur when research projects are supposed to include children and young people’s experiences and views in the empirical material and in the analysis. The article is based on experiences from three research projects on cultural policy and young people and children, in which different approaches have been used to include their perspectives. We ask the following questions: How can cultural policy research include the voices and experiences of children and young people? What may we gain from using different methodological approaches in this research? The methods included in our case examples in the article are survey, group interviews, Philosophy for Children and participant observation.
The article reexamines the history of government arts funding in Denmark. By delving into three laws, who have been pivotal in setting the frames for the Danish government funding institutions (Statens Kunstfond and Statens Kunstråd), it explores how the political mandate for state support for the arts came about and in what way the funding was to be organized in order to be legitimate. And, in broad lines, how this has changed over the last more than 60 years. Empirically, the article uses three cases Lov om oprettelse af Statens Kunstfond og Eckersberg-Thorvaldsenfondet (1956), Lov om Kunstrådet (2003) and Lov om Statens Kunstfonds virksomhed (2013). These are used to carve out the discursive struggles and how central understandings were debated and fought over. The first law committing the government to supporting art was linked to the establishment of the welfare state and a specific responsibility towards the arts. It drew on concepts from the private sector as well as reconfiguring the welfare state as a patron of the arts. Tracing how the term, as well as the arm’s-length concept was introduced in a Danish context in the beginning of the 1990's my findings suggest that it was given a specific definition at this time linking it closely to self-administration or corporatism. This understanding was severely challenged by the 2003 law, which saw a struggle centered on the definition of the arm’s-lengths principle, but also on how elements of New Public Management discourse was rejected by the art field. With the reform in 2013 ”transparency” and ”legitimacy” was introduced in the arts funding discourse, as well as ”debate” as a marker for the need of a public or democratic mandate for the arts funding. The main findings are two: the roots of Danish government funding seem to have grown in a different soil than traditionally described and that the precise understanding of arm’s length has been unstable and negotiable.
This article aims to analyze the values and functions ascribed to the concept of cultural heritage as used in the Swedish government bill «Cultural heritage policy» from 2017. In this bill the Swedish government have the intention to treat cultural heritage as a separate political field for the first time. The bill uses a more open definition of the concept and state that cultural heritage is traces of the past that people choose to value in the present, and that cultural heritage is not fixed but always changing due to this definition. The argument made is that the bill treats cultural heritage as a resource, and the analysis investigates the articulations made about the values and functions connected to cultural heritage in the text. I argue that by using such a wide and loose definition of the concept, the Swedish government is trying to include a very wide range of things and uses under the ‘umbrella’ of cultural heritage. The article means to show the status of cultural heritage in Swedish politics today.
Denne artikkelen belyser det norske Utenriksdepartementets utenrikskulturelle ansvar og ambisjoner. Særlig analyserer den hvordan dette har endret seg i tidsrommet fra 1990-tallet og fram til i dag, under vekslende og endrede utenrikspolitiske forhold. Empirisk tar den utgangspunkt i en omfattende restrukturering av UDs arbeid med kultur i tidsrommet 2000-2004, der de mest sentrale arbeidsoppgavene ble delegert til en rekke eksterne organisasjoner på kulturfeltet. Analysen omfatter både hva denne delegeringen innebar og hvilke konsekvenser den fikk, og har, den dag i dag. Særlig to effekter trekkes fram. For det første at selv om mange av de konkrete oppgavene som ligger til det utenrikskulturelle ansvaret er desentralisert, har UD fremdeles et tydelig initiativ på politikkfeltet, særlig gjennom å opprettholde en rekke instrumentelle målsetninger. For det andre at delegeringen også har fått en rekke konsekvenser for hva som ses som relevant norsk utenrikskulturelt innhold, med et skjerpet krav til profesjonalitet og en endret mangfoldstenking. Selv om utenrikskulturell virksomhet og internasjonal kulturpolitikk etter hvert har blitt mer utforsket, mangler relevante og oppdaterte analyser i den kulturpolitiske forskingen. Artikkelen forsøker å bidra med dette.
This article studies the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MFA) foreign cultural responsibilities and ambitions. In particular, it discusses how this responsibility and these ambitions have changed from the late 1990s until today, in line with changing geopolitical conditions. Empirically, it particularly relates to an organizational process throughout the years 2000-2004, when the MFA delegated a considerable part of its policy powers to a number of arm’s length distance-bodies within the art sector. Central to the analysis is what this process consisted of, and what foreign and cultural policy consequences it caused (and still seem to cause). Particularly two effects are highlighted. First, it discusses how the MFA despite decentralizing departmental responsibility from the ministry, still seems to keep a firm initiative in foreign cultural policies, much due to its continued commitment in cases where the arts’ alleged instrumental capabilities are reviewed relevant. Second, the article looks into how this reorganized administrative framework has further caused a change also content wise, with an increased interest in strictly professional art and an altered concept of diversity. Although acknowledged as a relevant cultural policy research area, foreign cultural policy lack analytical focus in the research discourse. The article seeks to bridge some of that gap.
This article is a study of UNESCO cultural policies in the period 1966-1972. That period was the founding years of what was later called ‘new cultural policies’. In 1966 UNESCO adopted a declaration of international cultural cooperation, and during the following years UNESCO organized a series of conferences and expert meetings that developed a strategy for cultural policies. The process was finished by a conference of European cultural ministers in Helsinki in 1972. UNESCO practiced a sociological approach to cultural development and argued that culture as a social good should be part of other social and economic goods offered to the citizens by a welfare state. Despite the fact that UNESCO member states had very different values and understandings of ‘culture’ and ‘policy’, and they had very different political systems, it was Western European liberal and democratic values that dominated its aims and policymaking process. Among Western European countries the ministry of culture in France with their leading bureaucrat Augustin Girard was the most influential agent in the policymaking process.
1/2019, Vol. 22
Nordisk Kulturpolitisk Tidsskrift er et fagfellevurdert tidsskrift. Det publiserer forskning som bidrar til å utvikle kunnskapen om nordisk kulturpolitikk eller forskning som er relevant for nordisk kulturpolitikk.
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Tidsskriftet finansieres av et konsortium bestående av flere nordiske akademiske institusjoner:
– Det Informationsvidenskabelige Akademi, Københavns Universitet
– Copenhagen Business School, Copenhagen
– Institut for Kommunikation og Kultur, Aarhus Universitet
– Det kulturpolitiska forskningscentret Cupore, Helsinki
– University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä
– Universitetet i Sørøst-Norge
– Telemarksforsking, Bø
– BI Norwegian Business School, Oslo
– Bibliotekshögskolan, Högskolan i Borås
Trine Bille, professor, Copenhagen Business School
Louise Ejgod Hansen, lektor, Aarhus Universitet
Nanna Kann-Rasmussen, lektor, Institut for Informationsstudier, Københavns Universitet
Bjarki Valtysson, lektor, Københavns Universitet
Miikka Pyykkönen, professor, University of Jyväskylä
Tobias Harding, professor, Universitetet i Sørøst-Norge (USN)
Ole Marius Hylland, seniorforsker, Telemarksforskning
Ann-Sofie Köping, lektor, Södertörns högskola
Linnéa Lindsköld, lektor, Bibliotekshögskolan, Högskolan i Borås
Ansvarlig redaktør Sakarias Sokka
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Forsidebilde: Wooden pauper in Stundars Open Air Museum in Korsholm, Finland. Foto: Salla Hänninen
ISSN online: 2000-8325
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