Artikkelen gir en oversikt over den nyoppdagete politiske strømningen som kalles republikanisme. Den benytter seg av en metafor der oppdagelsen sammenlignes med et fossil, og J.G.A. Pocock blir slik den historikeren som har vist oss hele fossilets utstrekning fra italiensk renessanse over engelsk 1600- og 1700-tall til oppståelsen av USA. Krogh hevder videre at dette politiske idealet gav europeisk tenkning en helt ny evne til å forstå det som eksisterer i tid, som oppstår og forgår. Så behandles Quentin Skinners bidrag, som understreker republikanismens spesielle frihetsbegrep og dermed det klare skillet mellom republikanisme og liberalisme. Til slutt kommer noen korte tanker om leting etter en republikansk tradisjon rundt 1814 i Danmark og Norge.
This paper summarises some of the intense research into the republican tradition, which really started with the publication of G. E. A. Pococks The Machiavellian Moment in 1975. Initially, I claim that Pococks book amounts to no less than a real discovery in the history of ideas; it is no mere reinterpretation. Republicanism now takes its place alongside for example liberalism, conservatism and Marxism as a main language in early-modern and modern thought. The paper is based on the metaphorical device of comparing republicanism to a fossil. Some earlier historians (Hans Baron, Zera Fink and Caroline Robbins) saw and described parts of it (part I), but only Pocock gave a view of the whole body, stretching from the Italian Renaissance through the English civil war and the opposition to the Whig oligarchy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries up to the rebellion of the American colonies in 1776 (part II). In the next part (III), I discuss Pococks claim that the political ideal of the republic also led to an intellectual revolution in Western thought, making us able to treat phenomena which exist in empirical time, subject to emergence and disappearance, to a finite form of existence. I claim that even though Pocock has overlooked some Aristotelian contributions to the philosophy of time, he is probably right in seeing the republic as we find it in Machiavelli, as an encounter with a way of existence beyond the grasp of Medieval thought. Finally, in part IV, I identify Quentin Skinners contribution as emphasising the special concept of liberty in republicanism and thus bringing the distinction between republicanism and liberalism more sharply into focus. In part V, I call for more research into the reception of republican thought in Norway in the years that led to the constitution in 1814.
Tema for denne artikkelen er klimaets betydning for befolkning og bosetning i middelalder og tidlig nytid. Skyldtes de demografiske krisene avlingssvikt/hungersnød eller sykdom? Innledningsvis blir det referert til forskning på europeisk (særlig engelsk) materiale. Videre blir norske historikeres syn på årsakene til agrarkrisen i senmiddelalderen gjennomgått. Pioneren Hasund hevdet at det var pestene og ikke klimaet som holdt folketallet på et lavmål middelalderen ut, et synspunkt som i de senere år er gjentatt av forskere som Lunden og Moseng. I artikkelen hevdes det at klimaets rolle er undervurdert, særlig må klimatiske sjokk med flere uår på rad direkte og indirekte ha ført til betydelig overdødelighet i et land som lå så langt mot nord. Dendrokronologisk påviste uår gjenspeiles i en god del tilfeller i skriftlige kilders opplysninger om dårlige kornavlinger og høy mortalitet.
An increasing interest in climatic change has taken place in recent decades. In 1965, Peter Laslett asked the fundamental question «Did the peasants really starve?» Andrew Appleby and many historians have since tried to find out what the impact of climatic change on population might be. In Norway, the agrarian crisis following the Black Death has been debated for three generations. It was the agrarian historian S. Hasund who first published a work on the destructive force of the Black Death in Norway. The Black Death was followed by several plagues that led to disturbance in population reproduction. The Scandinavian Research Project on Deserted Farms and Villages (Ødegårdsprosjektet) stimulated to massive documentation of the various manifestations of the agrarian crisis, but did not get much further with the causal problem. Although climate deterioration, ecological problems (soil exhaustion) and subsequent plagues were discussed, the Black Death remained the main cause of the late medieval crisis. In Norsk landbrukshistorie, K. Lunden, on the whole, joined with Hasunds conclusions. It was the Black Death and later plagues that decisively effected population and settlement. This was an assessment that in 2006 was repeated by O. G. Moseng, who at the same time criticized the Deserted Farms and Villages Project for not giving appropriate consideration to the plagues that followed the Black Death. In the present article, the author argues that the role of climate is underestimated in recent research. The serious effect crop damage must have had on a vulnerable agrarian society is underlined. Especially dangerous was the situation when harvest failures occurred on two or more consecutive years. Several demographic crises in Norway in the 1700s turn out to have coincided with crop failure and famine. There is no reason to believe that the situation was very different in the Middle Ages, especially before the Black Death. A population that was weakened by hunger was also more susceptible to disease. Dendrochronological research shows that there is a clear correlation between the width of tree rings and the growth conditions of grain. Extremely narrow tree rings often indicate crop failure, and this can be documented in written sources dating back to the Middle Ages. Dendroclimatology is a science that will be increasingly important in future historical research.
I perioden 1825 til 1930 emigrerte mer enn 850 000 personer fra Norge til USA. De fleste slo seg ned i rurale strøk preget av et tett bosetningsmønster med den lutherske kirken som en sentral tradisjonsbærer, men mange bosatte seg også i de amerikanske storbyene hvor de deltok i et blomstrende etnisk foreningsliv hvor klasseskiller spilte en større rolle enn på landsbygda. Forfatteren drøfter i denne artikkelen hvorvidt norske immigranter i USA overførte en lokal eller en nasjonal kollektiv identitet fra sitt gamle til sitt nye hjemland i tiårene rundt 1900. Hovedkonklusjonen er at forhold i Norge og i USA fremmet utviklingen av en komplementær identitet blant immigrantene som omfattet både en nasjonal amerikansk og en etnisk norsk lokal og nasjonal identitet.
During the period 1825–1930, approximately 800 000 people emigrated from Norway to the USA. This was the highest number of emigrants in relation to population compared to any other country in Europe except Ireland. A majority of Norwegian emigrants settled in rural areas, where chain migration and regional background created compact settlements, yet many also set up home in the larger cities. Whereas the Norwegian Lutheran Church became the upholder of tradition in the Norwegian rural communities, Norwegians in the cities set up a variety of secular organizations but also encountered social segregation. Norwegian organizational activity increased during the 1900s, and the article examines the extent to which these rural and urban Norwegian immigrants identified with their Norwegian past, and whether they did so from a regional or a national perspective. A sense of unity among Norwegian, Swedish and Danish immigrants created urban areas that were essentially Scandinavian in character, but political development on the national level, especially the constitutional crisis in the Swedish–Norwegian union, ultimately led to an increasing nationalism among immigrant groups and organizational activities based on ethnicity. Based on conditions in their country of origin and in their adopted country, the national or regional identity of Norwegian-Americans gradually became Norwegian-Ameri-can. With the fusion of multi-level identities in a complementary process, Norwegian immigrants and their offspring could identify with both a regional and an ethnic Norwegian identity, but also with an American identity. By finding an acceptable version of their past, Norwegian immigrants created an ethnic identity that was consistent with the ideal of being a good American.